By Donald V. Watkins ©Copyrighted and Published on March 28, 2019 Alabama Governor George C. Wallace defiantly stood in the "school house door" at The University of Alabama in 1963 to block the admission of two black students. Two years later, another side of Wallace emerged at Lanier High School in Montgomery. This is the side I know personally and will remember forever. People have firmly held opinions about former Alabama Gov. George C. Wallace. So do I. On March 26, 2019 , I told the story of how George Wallace and my father (Dr. Levi Watkins, Sr.) worked together in April of 1965 to prevent the potential massacre of students, faculty, and staff members on the campus of Alabama State University . That story added more definition to who Wallace was as a human being and political leader. There are other stories that shed a bright light on George Wallace’s true character. I will share a couple of them here. Public School Desegregation in Montgomery When the Montgomery public schools were first desegregated in 1964, they started with a handful of black students who integrated the first, 10th, 11th, and 12th grades. At the time, Wallace’s daughter, Peggy Sue, was attending Lanier High School, which was located a few blocks from the Governor’s Mansion. Arlam Carr, Jr. was a named plaintiff in the Montgomery public school desegregation case, along with his parents. His father, Arlam Carr, Sr., and mother, Johnnie Carr, were longtime civil rights advocates in Montgomery. They were the only black parents in Montgomery who were willing to put their names on the lawsuit as plaintiffs. Arlam, who was 13-years-old when the suit was filed. Thirteen-year-old Arlam Carr, Jr.'s federal court lawsuit desegregated Montgomery's public schools in 1964. As a result of his lawsuit, Arlam was the target of an endless barrage of death threats. When Arlam arrived at Lanier High School in 1965, Gov. George C. Wallace arranged for him to be placed in the same class with his daughter, Peggy Sue. Wallace privately instructed the state troopers who guarded his daughter to protect Arlam, as well. Arlam attended the Alabama State University Laboratory School while his lawsuit was pending. Arlam's family caught pure hell from many whites in Montgomery for filing the case. Most people in the black community feared they would be killed for filing the desegregation lawsuit. When U.S. District Court Judge Frank M. Johnson, Jr. ruled in Arlam’s favor, he was in the 9th grade at the Laboratory School. The first three black students desegregated Lanier High School in September of 1964. Lanier was the pride and joy of white Montgomery. Arlam had to wait a year before he could attend Lanier as a 10th grade student. Gov. Wallace was aware that Arlam was an extremely controversial figure in Montgomery's white community. He was determined that nothing bad would happened to Arlam when he entered Lanier in September of 1965. Wallace made sure that Arlam was placed in the same class with Peggy Sue because she had state trooper protection at all times. The troopers who protected Peggy Sue were instructed to protect Arlam, as well. Arlam gave those of us who remained at the Laboratory School daily reports of his treatment at Lanier. He was one brave teenager. Arlam graduated from Lanier in 1968. He attended college at the University of Texas at El Paso. Arlam died from throat cancer in 2013 at the age of 62. I have always found it fascinating that Wallace, who defiantly stood in the "school house door" at The University of Alabama in 1963 to block the admission of James Hood and Vivian Malone as students, would privately make sure in 1965 that Arlam Carr, Jr. had the same trooper protection as his daughter. Furthermore, Wallace sent his son George to Lanier while the high school was taking in more black students. George graduated from Lanier in 1970. Looking back at it today, George Wallace made a conscious decision to keep his children in the Montgomery public school system during the toughest times in the school desegregation era. He did not use Peggy Sue or George to lead a political movement aimed at steering white students toward the many all-white private “Christian” academies that sprang up in the South during the 1960s. Why? The Pardon for Scottsboro Boy Clarence Norris Clarence Norris was one of nine " Scottsboro Boys " who were arrested in 1931 in Paint Rock, Alabama and falsely accused of raping two white women. Norris was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death in Alabama's electric chair three times. The U.S. Supreme Court saved his life each time. Norris decided to pursue his quest for a pardon in 1972 . He was living as a fugitive under an alias in New York. I was still in law school at the time. In 1974, the NAACP asked me to represent Norris in his quest for a pardon. I had studied the Scottsboro Boys' landmark cases in law school and my parents told us about the case when I was a child, but I never thought one of the Scottsboro Boys was still alive. My early attempts to get a pardon for Norris were met with massive resistance from the Alabama Pardons and Paroles Board, and the case quickly reached an impasse. I then approached Attorney Milton C. Davis, a friend of mine from Tuskegee who worked as an Assistant Attorney General in Alabama Attorney General Bill Baxley's office. I asked Milton for his help. He quickly arranged a meeting between Baxley and me. Milton also convinced Baxley to assign him to research the evidence and court records in the case for the Attorney General's office. To qualify for his pardon, Clarence Norris had to prove his innocence by clear and convincing evidence. He also had to get the Pardons and Parole Board and Governor George Wallace to unanimously agree to his pardon. After reviewing the evidence in the case that had been developed by Davis and me, Bill Baxley wrote a detailed letter to the three-member Pardons and Parole Board affirming Norris' innocence of the rape charges and urging the Board to pardon him. Baxley eventually convinced board members William R. Robinson and Sara Cousins Sellers of Norris' innocence. However, Baxley was unable to convince Chairman Norman F. Ussery, who pointed out that Norris was a fugitive and indicated the board would not consider a pardon until Norris was returned to the Alabama prison system. The pardon effort came to a complete standstill because Norris, whose experience in Alabama was a living hell, was not inclined to return to Alabama for the purpose of re-entering the state's penal system. He would, however, return to secure his pardon. On October 22, 1976, Board members Robinson and Sellers agreed to declare that Norris was no longer a fugitive from justice. They quietly reinstated his parole, without supervision. They also voted to withdraw the September 30, 1946 warrant for Norris’ arrest. On October 25, 1976, Sara Sellers issued her own "Statement of Evidence, Reasons and Opinion" in which she found that “Clarence Norris is not guilty of this [rape] offense.” Robinson agreed with Sellers' findings and opinion. Chairman Norman Ussery, however, still would not bend. Bill Baxley then talked to Gov. Wallace, who became really interested in the pardon effort and eventually became convinced of Norris' innocence, as well. Wallace, who had appointed and reappointed Ussery to the board, privately discussed the pardon with Ussery and persuaded him to change his mind. Wallace wanted Norris pardoned and he would not take “no” for an answer. On November 26, 1976, all three Pardons and Parole Board members signed a certification for the issuance of a full and unconditional pardon for Clarence Norris based upon his innocence of the 1931 rape charges. Wallace proudly signed the certification, as well. On November 29, 1976, Norris returned to Montgomery to receive his pardon and a hero's welcome. I met him on the tarmac of the airport. When Norris exited the airplane, we just stared at each other until he reached me in the sea of reporters and supporters from around the world. Then, we hugged and cried. Both of us realized the magnitude of the moment -- the State of Alabama had finally and officially declared that the Scottsboro Boys were innocent of the 1931 rape charges. We proceeded from the airport to the Pardons and Parole Board's meeting room. With tears streaming down his face, Clarence Norris proudly accepted his pardon on behalf of himself and the other eight Scottsboro Boys (all of whom were dead). Norris' 45-year legal battle with the State of Alabama was finally over, and his name had been cleared. Without Gov. Wallace’s direct intervention and willingness to strong-arm Board Chairman Norman Ussery, Clarence Norris would not have received his 1976 pardon. Epilogue These stories demonstrate that George C. Wallace was far more complicated than the caricature of the man who was portrayed in the national media as a “racist.” The Alabama media was so addicted to its participating role in the FBI’s infamous COINTELPRO program during the 1950s, 60s and 70s that they had no interest in defining Wallace’s true character. Gov. Wallace must be judged by the sum total of his experiences as a man and politician. Throughout his career as Alabama’s most famous governor, Wallace’s private and public actions definitely had a positive and lasting impact on the quality of life for all Alabamians.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on February 25, 2026 Mr. Judge Wright, a longtime personal driver, invaluable aide, and confidante to Alabama State University Presidents H. Council Trenholm and Levi Watkins. A BLACK HISTORY MONTH EXCLUSIVE ---   Mr. Judge Wright worked at Alabama State College (now Alabama State University) as a personal driver, invaluable aide, and confidante to longtime ASC Presidents H. Council Trenholm and Levi Watkins. Mr. Wright witnessed the many trials, tribulations, and triumphs of both presidents, as he drove them around the country in the 1930s, 40s, 50s, and 60s raising funds for ASC, getting the college accredited and reaccredited, and recruiting students and faculty to the college. Mr. Wright drove Dr. Trenholm to all of the meetings that were required for ASC to secure its initial accreditation in 1935 from the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools (SACS) in Atlanta . Dr. Harper Council Trenholm, former President of Alabama State College. Mr. Wright was with Dr. Trenholm in 1960 when Alabama Gov. John Patterson made the Alabama State Board of Education fire Trenholm, ban him from the ASC campus, expel student demonstrators, and drastically cut ASC's budget -- all in retaliation for ASC students participating in civil rights sit-ins at the Montgomery County courthouse. As a result of Patterson's hardcore racism and vicious retaliation, ASC lost its SACS accreditation. Mr. Wright stood by Dr. Trenholm for more than thirty-five years, beginning in 1925. He was an honorary pallbearer at Dr. Trenholm's funeral in 1963.   In 1962, Mr. Wright became my father’s personal driver, aide, and confidante after dad succeeded Dr. Trenholm as ASC's president. Mr. Wright was a Godsend for dad. Mr. Wright served as an important bridge from the Trenholm administration to the Watkins administration. Mr. Wright was an iconic figure because he possessed a body of institutional knowledge dating back to 1925 that no one else had. My dad trusted Mr. Wright implicitly and valued his common sense, institutional knowledge, and sound judgment. Above all, dad appreciated Mr. Wright's dedication to and love for ASC.   From 1962 to 1966, Judge Wright drove dad all over Alabama and throughout the southeast on their joint mission to beef up student enrollment, secure private funding for ASC, recruit faculty members, reactivate alumni chapters, and regain the college's SACS accreditation.   The Memorable Atlanta Trip   In 1963, I accompanied Mr. Wright, dad, the academic vice-president, and the college's business manager to a SACS accreditation meeting in Atlanta. At the time, I was a high school student intern in the president’s office.   Mr. Wright drove us, while my father sat in the front passenger’s seat reading documents.  I sat on the back seat talking to the vice president and business manager.   We arrived in Atlanta around noon.  My father suggested that we get lunch before our 2 p.m. meeting with SACS.     We drove to Paschals restaurant near Morehouse College. This was an upscale Black-owned restaurant for Black patrons in segregated Atlanta prior to passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.   As we exited the car, Mr. Wright stayed behind.  He was the only one of us who was not dressed in a business suit.  He wore a pair of light brown khaki pants and a matching work shirt.  Mr. Wright told us to go ahead and eat without him.   My dad insisted that Mr. Wright join us for lunch.  He suspected that Mr. Wright was uncomfortable because he was not wearing a business suit. Mr. Wright relented and came into the restaurant with us.   As we were led to our table, dad made sure Mr. Wright walked directly behind him. Once we arrived at the table, dad pulled out the chair to his right and directed Mr. Wright to sit next to him. I sat across the table between the other two men.   When the waiter brought us menus, I noticed that Mr. Wright was not reading his menu. I watched dad lean over and review his menu with Mr. Wright. He talked to Mr. Wright about each item on the menu and made it a conversation between them.  Then, dad told Mr. Wright he would order for him, which he did.  I later learned that Mr. Wright’s reading ability was rather limited, although his reservoir of knowledge was vast and deep.   Over the course of lunch, dad talked louder than normal. Within earshot of the uppity patrons who were looking weird because Mr. Wright was not wearing a suit, dad started bragging about Mr. Wright’s (a) many invaluable contributions to Dr. Trenholm, ASC, and his presidency, (b) Mr. Wright's role in growing ASC student enrollment, (c) his meaningful efforts to securing ASC's initial accreditation, and (d) his decades of tireless service to the college. Dad toasted Mr. Wright and treated him like he was a guest of honor.  It was a command performance, albeit a very deserving and sincere one.  Patron at the surrounding tables began to think it was an important celebratory event.   By now, Mr. Wright was not only comfortable and relaxed, but he was also pleased by the very public display of presidential recognition and respect.   We left Paschals and went to the SACS meeting.  After the meeting, we returned home to Montgomery.    Valuable Lessons Learned from the Atlanta Trip   After we entered our home, dad sat me down and explained five things to me that I have practiced religiously throughout my adult life:   Whenever a member of your team feels out of place because of his/her attire or because he/she can’t read or write, it is your job as a leader to make the place ready for him/her. An employee’s work uniform does not determine his/her value to the organization. His/her work ethic and contributions to achieving the organization's goals are the things that matter the most to a leader. A leader must publicly acknowledge and appreciate the value of the least-thanked employee(s) every chance he/she gets. They will become the most dedicated and loyal employees in your workforce. Elevate the “least of these, my brethren” every way you can. Every member of your team deserves to be treated with dignity and the utmost respect, and it is your job as a leader to show the world the proper amount of respect they deserve.   Thanks to the tireless efforts of Mr. Judge Wright, dad, and ASC's faculty and staff, the college regained its full SACS accreditation in 1966. Governor George Wallace celebrated this historic event by proclaiming December 15, 1966, "Alabama State College Day."

By Donald V. Watkins ©Copyrighted and Published on August 29, 2022 Clarence Norris (far left) and the other eight "Scottsboro Boys" were arrested in 1931 in Paint Rock, Alabama and falsely accused of raping two white women. Clarence Norris was one of the nine "Scottsboro Boys" who were arrested in 1931 in Paint Rock, Alabama and falsely accused of raping two white women on a freight train passing through the state. After their arrest, the Boys, who ranged from 13 to 18-years-old, were taken to Scottsboro, Alabama to await their trials. Mr. Norris was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death in Alabama's electric chair three times. The U.S. Supreme Court saved his life at the last hour each time. The Boys were repeatedly beaten and abused by jailers after their arrest, before their trials, after their trials, and during their imprisonment. Yet, they always maintained their innocence. After each round of guilty verdicts, the Scottsboro Boys who were convicted of rape by all-white Alabama juries were forced to build their own coffins and lie in them while guards urinated on them. Mr. Norris would become the first and only former death row inmate who was awarded a full and unconditional pardon by the state of Alabama on the basis of his innocence. The passage of time revealed that all of the nine Scottsboro Boys were, in fact, innocent of the rape charges. Their ordeal in Alabama's prison system was horrendous. It was the epitome of man's inhumanity to man. Mr. Norris decided to pursue his quest for a pardon in 1972. He was living as a fugitive under an alias name in New York City. I was still in law school at the time. In 1974, the NAACP in New York City asked me to represented Norris in his quest for a pardon. My parents had already discussed the Scottsboro Boys case with my brothers and me in our home when I was a young boy. I had also studied the Scottsboro Boys' landmark constitutional rights cases in law school. However, I never thought one of the Scottsboro Boys was still alive. I was elated to represent Mr. Norris. I poured my heart and soul into this case. My early attempts to get a pardon for Norris were met with massive resistance from the Alabama Pardons and Paroles Board, and the case quickly reached an impasse. I then approached Attorney Milton C. Davis, a friend of mine from Tuskegee who worked as an Assistant Attorney General in Alabama Attorney General Bill Baxley's office. I asked Milton for his help. He quickly arranged a meeting between Baxley and me. Milton also convinced Baxley to assign him to research the evidence and court records in the case for the Attorney General's office. To qualify for his pardon, Clarence Norris had to prove his innocence by clear and convincing evidence. He also had to get the Pardons and Parole Board and Governor George Wallace to unanimously agree to his pardon. After reviewing the evidence in the case that had been developed by Davis and me, Bill Baxley wrote a detailed letter to the three-member Pardons and Parole Board affirming Norris' innocence of the rape charges and urging the Board to pardon him. Baxley eventually convinced board members William R. Robinson and Sara Cousins Sellers of Norris' innocence. However, Baxley was unable to convince Chairman Norman F. Ussery, who pointed out that Norris was a fugitive and indicated the board would not consider a pardon until Norris was returned to the Alabama prison system. The pardon effort came to a complete standstill because Norris, whose experience in Alabama was a living hell, was not inclined to return to Alabama for the purpose of re-entering the state's penal system. On October 22, 1976, Board members Robinson and Sellers agreed to declare that Norris was no longer a fugitive from justice. They quietly reinstated his parole without supervision. They also voted to withdraw the September 30, 1946 warrant for Norris’ arrest. On October 25, 1976, Sara Sellers issued her own Statement of Evidence, Reasons and Opinion in which she found that “Clarence Norris is not guilty of this [rape] offense.” Robinson agreed with Sellers's findings and opinion. Chairman Norman Ussery, however, still would not bend. Baxley then talked to Gov. Wallace, who became really interested in the pardon effort and eventually became convinced of Norris' innocence, as well. Wallace, who had appointed and reappointed Ussery to the board, privately discussed the pardon with Ussery and convinced him to change his mind. On November 26, 1976, all three Pardons and Parole Board members signed a certification for the issuance of a full and unconditional pardon for Clarence Norris based upon his innocence of the 1931 rape charges. Wallace signed the certification, as well. It took me two long and heart-breaking years to secure Clarence Norris' pardon. The State of Alabama's resistance to our pardon request was massive and ugly. This resistance is documented in the case file . In the end, we prevailed. On November 29, 1976, Norris returned to Montgomery to receive his pardon and a hero's welcome. I met him on the tarmac of the airport. When Norris exited the airplane, we just stared at each other until he reached me in the sea of reporters and supporters from around the world. Then, we hugged and cried. Both of us realized the magnitude of the moment -- on this historic day, the state of Alabama had finally and officially declared that the Scottsboro Boys were innocent of the 1931 rape charges. We proceeded from the airport to the Pardons and Parole Board's meeting room. With tears streaming down his face, Norris proudly accepted his pardon on behalf of himself and the other eight Scottsboro Boys. Norris' 45-year legal battle with the state of Alabama was finally over, and his name had been cleared. "Scottsboro Boy" Clarence Norris (right) receiving his full and unconditional pardon based upon his "innocence" from Attorney Donald V. Watkins (left) on November 29, 1976, in Montgomery, Aabama (USA). Clarence Norris never stopped fighting to clear the Scottsboro Boys' name. He was alive to see justice prevail 45 years after the Boys were arrested, thanks to Bill Baxley's and Milton Davis' personal commitment to the fair administration of justice when they served in the Alabama Attorney General's Office. No Alabama public officials, living or dead, did more to end this tragic chapter in Alabama's history on the right note than Bill Baxley and Milton Davis. Norris celebrated his pardon with my father, Dr. Levi Watkins, in the President's Office at Alabama State University later that day. My father told my brothers and me the story of the Scottsboro Boys when we were young boys. I never forgot it. Clarence Norris and Levi Watkins celebrate his pardon. My father was extremely proud that I was the attorney who cleared the names of Mr. Norris' and the other eight Scottsboro Boys 45 years after their arrest. To this day, the Clarence Norris pardon has been the greatest and most rewarding legal fight in my 46-year career. I am proud that God chose me to end this fight for Clarence Norris while he was alive to smell the roses.

By Donald V. Watkins ©Copyrighted and Published on August 12, 2018 Clarence Norris was one of nine " Scottsboro Boys " who were arrested in 1931 in Paint Rock, Alabama and falsely accused of raping two white women. Norris was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death in Alabama's electric chair three times. The U.S. Supreme Court saved his life each time. Their ordeal in Alabama's prison system was filled with unspeakable acts of horror and pain. These acts epitomize man's inhumanity to man. Norris' Quest for a Pardon Norris decided to pursue his quest for a pardon in 1972. He was living as a fugitive under an alias in New York. I was still in law school at the time. In 1974, the NAACP asked me to represent Norris in his quest for a pardon. I had studied the Scottsboro Boys' landmark cases in law school, but I never thought one of the Scottsboro Boys was still alive. My early attempts to get a pardon for Norris were met with massive resistance from the Alabama Pardons and Paroles Board, and the case quickly reached an impasse. I then approached Attorney Milton C. Davis, a friend of mine from Tuskegee who worked as an Assistant Attorney General in Alabama Attorney General Bill Baxley's office. I asked Milton for his help. He quickly arranged a meeting between Baxley and me. Milton also convinced Baxley to assign him to research the evidence and court records in the case for the Attorney General's office. To qualify for his pardon, Clarence Norris had to prove his innocence by clear and convincing evidence. He also had to get the Pardons and Parole Board and Governor George Wallace to unanimously agree to his pardon. After reviewing the evidence in the case that had been developed by Davis and me, Bill Baxley wrote a detailed letter to the three-member Pardons and Parole Board affirming Norris' innocence of the rape charges and urging the Board to pardon him. Baxley eventually convinced board members William R. Robinson and Sara Cousins Sellers of Norris' innocence. However, Baxley was unable to convince Chairman Norman F. Ussery, who pointed out that Norris was a fugitive and indicated the board would not consider a pardon until Norris was returned to the Alabama prison system. The pardon effort came to a complete standstill because Norris, whose experience in Alabama was a living hell, was not inclined to return to Alabama for the purpose of re-entering the state's penal system. He would, however, return to secure his pardon. On October 22, 1976, Board members Robinson and Sellers agreed to declare that Norris was no longer a fugitive from justice. They quietly reinstated his parole, without supervision. They also voted to withdraw the September 30, 1946 warrant for Norris’ arrest. On October 25, 1976, Sara Sellers issued her own "Statement of Evidence, Reasons and Opinion" in which she found that “Clarence Norris is not guilty of this [rape] offense.” Robinson agreed with Sellers' findings and opinion. Chairman Norman Ussery, however, still would not bend. Bill Baxley then talked to Gov. Wallace, who became really interested in the pardon effort and eventually became convinced of Norris' innocence, as well. Wallace, who had appointed and reappointed Ussery to the board, privately discussed the pardon with Ussery and convinced him to change his mind. On November 26, 1976, all three Pardons and Parole Board members signed a certification for the issuance of a full and unconditional pardon for Clarence Norris based upon his innocence of the 1931 rape charges. Wallace signed the certification, as well. It took two long and heart-breaking years to secure Clarence Norris' pardon. The State of Alabama's resistance to our pardon request was massive and ugly. This resistance is documented in the case file . In the end, we prevailed. Norris' Triumphant Return to Alabama On November 29, 1976, Norris returned to Montgomery to receive his pardon and a hero's welcome. I met him on the tarmac of the airport. When Norris exited the airplane, we just stared at each other until he reached me in the sea of reporters and supporters from around the world. Then, we hugged and cried. Both of us realized the magnitude of the moment -- the State of Alabama had finally and officially declared that the Scottsboro Boys were innocent of the 1931 rape charges. We proceeded from the airport to the Pardons and Parole Board's meeting room. With tears streaming down his face, Clarence Norris proudly accepted his pardon on behalf of himself and the other eight Scottsboro Boys. Norris' 45-year legal battle with the State of Alabama was finally over, and his name had been cleared. At least one of the Scottsboro Boys -- Clarence Norris -- was alive to see justice prevail 45 years after they were arrested, thanks to Bill Baxley's and Milton Davis' personal commitment to the fair administration of justice when they served in the Attorney General's Office. No Alabama public officials, living or dead, did more to end this tragic chapter in Alabama's history on the right note than Bill Baxley and Milton Davis. To this day, the Clarence Norris pardon has been the proudest and most rewarding fight in my 45-year legal career. I am glad God chose me to end this fight for Clarence Norris while he was alive to smell the roses. Epilogue Clarence Norris died in the Bronx Community Hospital on January 23, 1989 at the age of seventy-six. The State of Alabama never compensated Norris for his wrongful incarceration and 45-year ordeal in its criminal justice system. Yet, Norris never stopped fighting for the fair administration of justice for others who were falsely accused of crimes. PHOTO: Clarence Norris (far left) and the other eight "Scottsboro Boys" were arrested in 1931 in Paint Rock, Alabama and falsely accused of raping two white women. PHOTO: "Scottsboro Boy" Clarence Norris (right) receiving his pardon from Attorney Donald V. Watkins (left) on November 29, 1976, in Montgomery, AL (USA).

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on February 20, 2026 An Editorial Opinion Black Mayors of America,   Stop being weak-kneed punks.  Honor civil rights icon Jesse Jackson, who passed on February 17, 2026, by lowering the U.S. flag on city property to half-mast until Jackson is buried. You have the power to do so. Use it.   In the 1990s, the Confederate flag flew above the U.S. flag atop of state capitol buildings across the South. It took a relentless campaign by Jesse Jackson and other civil rights leaders to remove the Confederate flag from the flagpole and relocate it to a museum. Please remember that cities across America lowered the U.S. flag on city property to half-mast after conservative activist Charlie Kirk's unfortunate death on September 10, 2025. Like Jackson, Kirk was a private citizen.   You hold office today because of the blood, sweat, and tears that Jesse Jackson and other great civil rights leaders gave in the movement to enact the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and Fair. Housing Act of 1968 into law.   Show some courage and appreciation for Jesse Jackson’s sacrifices on your behalf. Lower the U.S. flag on city property to half-mast. Do it today.

By: Donald V. Watkins ©Copyrighted and Originally Published (via Facebook) on April 13, 2014; Republished via ( www.donaldwatkins.com ) on February 12, 2018 and August 24, 2020. Julia Wider (left) and Maggie Bozeman (right) circa 1983. [ Author's Foreword: When this article was first published in 2014, I had no idea that a large part of white America in 2021 would welcome a resurgence of the voter suppression laws and techniques that Maggie Bozeman and Julia Wilder fought so hard to get rid of four decades ago. In light of ongoing efforts by Republicans nationwide to (a) block new voting rights legislation in Congress and (b) install a kleptocratic form of "white minority rule" in states where they control the governor's office and legislature, I want to remind all Americans of interracial goodwill exactly how this voter kind of suppression works in practice. For African-Americans and other ethnic minorities, we have been down this road many times before and it was never a pleasant experience. ] Nearly thirty-four years ago, a federal judge in Montgomery, Alabama bravely ended the five-year nightmare of two black victims of Alabama’s often unprincipled and racially biased criminal justice system. On April 13, 1984, U.S. District Court Judge Truman Hobbs used the power of the federal bench to throw out the voter fraud convictions of Pickens County civil rights activists Maggie Bozeman and Julia Wilder. Both women were long-time and well-respected advocates for civil rights and social justice in West Alabama. They were also my friends. Falsely Accused of Voter Fraud In 1979, Pickens County prosecutors accused Maggie and Julia of casting absentee ballots for 39 elderly residents without the voters’ permission. They were formally charged with multiple counts of voter fraud. Maggie and Julia denied any wrongdoing and said the Pickens County political establishment targeted them. Both women said they were encouraging voter participation from blacks who had difficulty voting. They thought the ballots in question had been properly authorized and handled by election officials in the 1978 Democratic primary runoff election in Pickens County. An all-white jury subsequently convicted both black women of voter fraud. Maggie was sentenced to four years imprisonment, while Julia received the maximum five-year prison sentence. These were the stiffest sentences the State of Alabama had ever handed down in voter fraud cases. Similar offenses for white voter fraud offenders in Alabama during this era were treated as misdemeanors and resulted in small fines. The Alabama Supreme Court upheld the convictions. Maggie and Julia’s trial and convictions quickly drew national attention. Maggie was 50 and Julia was 69 when their legal nightmare began. Maggie and Julia spent 11 days in prison and 10 months in a work-release center before being paroled. Judge Hobbs threw out the convictions of both women, saying their constitutional rights had been violated "because they were tried for offenses for which they were never charged.” A Stellar Record of Community Service I had known Maggie and Julia since 1973 when I became a civil rights lawyer in Alabama. During the 1970s, I handled the NAACP’s school desegregation cases in Pickens County. These women were part of my local support group. When I was there working, Maggie escorted me to meetings in and around the County. She would feed me meals and provide me housing in her home. All of this occurred at a time when it was unsafe for black civil rights lawyers to eat in local restaurants or stay in motels that catered to white patrons in Pickens County. Maggie, who was a junior high school math teacher, was the bravest woman I have ever met. She did not know fear of or submission to white segregationists. She stood tall and walked tall. Julia was a community center worker and president of the Pickens County Voters League. Her spirit, energy, and passion for civil rights work were unrivaled. I always worried that something terrible was going to happen to Maggie and Julia because they were so fearless when it came to pursuing voter participation and equal justice initiatives for blacks in Alabama. They were not afraid to fight for a better Alabama. Maggie wanted her daughter Punta to have a greater chance in life than she could ever experience. She was willing to die for her Punta’s emancipation from the second-class citizenship reserved for blacks in Alabama during the 1970s and 80s. While working in Pickens County on a high profile employment discrimination case a couple of years before Maggie’s arrest, I was taken by the white county school superintendent to the old courthouse and shown the “picture in the window”. It was an image of a black man looking outside at the mob that would later lynch him. A lighting strike captured the expression of horror on his face and permanently embedded it in this courthouse window like a photograph. The superintendent’s message to me was clear – leave town before we lynch you. When I told Maggie about the incident, she explained who the innocent man in the window was, and immediately rallied more people to protect me during my stay. She became my protector and warrior-queen from that day forward. Visiting Maggie and Julia In Prison After Maggie and Julia were tried and convicted, I went to visit them at Alabama’s infamous Tutwiler Prison for women. I had been to the prison before to visit female inmates who had been convicted of violent crimes and drug offenses. This was my first time visiting political prisoners at Tutwiler. It was gut wrenching to walk down the hall to a small visitor’s room for lawyer-client visits. I sat down and waited for the guards to bring Maggie and Julia to the room. I was sad, angry, and depressed. When the door opened and they walked in, we all embraced one another. It was an outward expression of my love and concern for them and an attempt to make them feel safe, even if for only a moment. I did not want to let them go. They were in prison uniforms and clearly worn out by the whole ordeal. Their lives had been turned upside down. They were now living a nightmare. Maggie and Julia cried throughout my visit, and I tried my best to console them. Prosecutors had successfully framed them. They were in pain and hurting. For that moment in time, I was helpless. Two proud, brave, decent, and law-abiding women had been reduced to inmate numbers on the back of prison uniforms by the mighty State of Alabama. Their only crime was their deep and abiding belief in participatory democracy in America. They had the audacity to practice this belief in Pickens County. The State of Alabama was now making them pay a heavy price for legally helping black citizens exercise their constitutional right to vote. When my visitor’s time was up, I was sick and empty. I knew I had to leave them in their pain and misery. I vowed that I would work with their legal team to get them out, and that I would not stop until they were free. I made each one of them look me in the eyes as I told them I was coming back to get them out. I hugged and kissed Maggie and Julia as I said goodbye. The walk back to my car was the longest walk of my life, as I was filled with anger. Judge Hobbs finally enabled me to release my anger when he ended their nightmare. Relief replaced my anger, and gratitude overwhelmed me as I embraced them in freedom. Epilogue Maggie died in 2004. Julia died a few years earlier. Maggie Bozeman and Julia Wilder are American heroes. They sacrificed everything so that all of us could live, work, and vote in a better Alabama. They endured the pain and suffering of an Alabama nightmare before God delivered them to the warm sunshine of freedom on earth and eternal peace in heaven.

By: Donald V. Watkins February 15, 2026 An Editorial Opinion   The story of three well-known digital coins shows us why cryptocurrency is bullshit.   The official Donald J. Trump crypto coin ($TRUMP) launched on January 17, 2025, during the hype surrounding the presidential inauguration three days later.  The official Melania Trump crypto coin ($MELANIA) launched two days later on January 19, 2025.   The $FJB crypto coin was launched in October 2021 by Grant Tragni. By December 2021, Trump pals Steve Bannon and Boris Epshteyn took strategic ownership positions in the project. A more recent version of the FJB token, called $LET'S GO BRANDON, was launched in early 2024 on the Solana platform.   $TRUMP reached an all-time high of $73.43 on January 19, 2025. The surge was driven by speculative buying just before Trump was sworn into office.   $MELANIA peaked at $13.73 on January 20, 2025. This represented a massive initial surge before the price collapsed by over 90% within months.   FJB reached its all-time high of $0.01135 on June 9, 2024. Other older variants of the $LET'S GO BRANDON theme (like $LETSGO) saw much lower peaks, such as $0.00000035.    As of February 12, 2026, the value of these crypto coins was: $TRUMP: $3.42 $MELANIA: $0.124 FJB ($LET's GO BRANDON): $0   All of Three Crypto Ventures are Mired in Class Action Litigation.   A federal class-action lawsuit was filed against  Pump.fun  (the platform used to launch $TRUMP), Solana Labs, and the Solana Foundation. The suit claims these entities created an "insider-rigged" system that allowed privileged users to front-run the launches of major meme coins. It specifically named $TRUMP and $MELANIA as examples of coins where retail investors were allegedly disadvantaged by market manipulation.   A separate class-action lawsuit filed in October 2025 directly targets the architects of the $MELANIA coin. It accuses them of using "weaponized fame" to lure investors before extracting millions in liquidity. In short, the plaintiffs are claiming that $MELANIA was a “pump-and-dump scheme.   On February 12, 2026, a class-action lawsuit was filed against Bannon, Epshteyn, and others alleging they defrauded thousands of investors by selling the $FJB (later $Patriot Pay) coin as an "unregistered and highly speculative asset" while concealing its centralized risks. Spotting "Bullshit" in the Crypto Markets   No cryptocurrency is classified in the banking world as a Tier 1 asset (e.g., physical gold or silver bars, or highly-valued publicly traded stock, etc.). There is no hard liquid assets backing cryptocurrency whatsoever.  It's value is derived solely from hype on social media platforms. From a structural valuation standpoint, cryptocurrency has the same dollar value as the fake money in the “Monopoly” board game. It just comes with more bells, whistles, and fanfare.   The people who push this “bullshit” on social media platforms are usually paid influencers, endorsers, market manipulators, speculators, and/or crypto company insiders. The lead person pushing crypto inside the federal government is Donald Trump, who also led six major companiess into bankruptcy and another 21 into total failure . He is also trying to breathe life into $TRUMP and $MELANIA. For all practical purposes, Steve Bannon's crypto coin has flatlined. Since Bitcoin's creation in 2009, the total number of collapsed crypto ventures/projects is in the millions. Reliable estimates put the number of failed coins/projects at 13-14 million since 2021 alone, plus tens of thousands earlier. The vast majority of these failed crypto coins/projects were low-effort or speculative coins that launched and died quickly, especially in the 2024–2025 boom-and-bust cycle. The cryptocurrency space remains highly experimental and very risky. It is only suitable for those who can afford to lose their total investment in the venture.   Generally, the people who get rich in cryptocurrency schemes are the insiders who launch them and then get out of the currencies before they crash.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on February 13, 2026  An Editorial Opinion   They all knew about his sexual attraction to underaged girls but partied with him anyway.   He had a bevy of naïve, underaged girls at all of his luxury homes and properties. For years, he and his party pals treated these kids like disposable human sex objects. They sexually abused them every way imaginable.   A party pal could molest, rape, maim, torture, photograph naked girls, and murder them in snuff videos with impunity. Some of his party pals cannibalized the youngest prey and ate their body parts.  The human remains were buried on his properties or dissolved in sulfuric acid.   His name was Jeffrey Epstein.  He provided sexual fetish entertainment to the rich and famous. His top party pals were among the world’s elite power players.   Epstein was a registered child sex offender in Florida (2008) and New York (2010), and his party pals knew it. He was classified as a "level three" offender (i.e., high risk of repeat offenses) in New York state in 2010 and 2011. Epstein was required to register as a sex offender each year.  Yet, Epstein's elite party pals and friends didn't care about his child sex offender status.   Epstein’s Party Pal were Addicted to Sexual Fetishes and the Production of Snuff Films   The party pals from President Donald Trump on down were addicted to the menu selection that Epstein's parties offered – fetish sex with over 1,000 young, vulnerable, wayward children nobody cared about, and nobody believed when they told law enforcement authorities what happened to them. These children could be killed on a whim, and no one would miss them. On one occasion in July 2011, Epstein discovered that one young girl believed Jesus Christ would protect her from harm and evil. At the suggestion of a friend, he dressed as Jesus on the night his party pals raped and murdered her .   Recently released documents establish that Jeffrey Epstein purchased six 55-gallon drums of concentrated sulfuric acid for delivery to his private island on June 12, 2018, the same day the FBI launched a federal investigation into his sex trafficking activities.   The timing and sheer quantity of the purchased sulfuric acid suggest that it was not used solely for its stated purpose on the order form – a Reverse Osmosis plant on his private island – but for an illicit purpose -- to dissolve body parts.   To illustrate the quantity and strength of this much sulfuric acid, consider this comparison: My energy company allocates a comparable amount of concentrated sulfuric acid in daily quantities to breakdown up to 1,000 tons per day of cellulose in household garbage into sugar for fermentation and distillation into fuel-grade ethanol.  The murders of children who lives were snuffed out at Epstein parties were filmed, and DOJ possesses these videos.   Three days after Epstein was arrested in July 2019, President Donald Trump's Department of Justice (DOJ) designated 10 persons as his co-conspirators .   Trump, himself, was listed as one of the 10 designated co-conspirators.   The Menu of Sexual Fetishes   On September 25, 2014, Faith Kates prepared a “bread” menu for “Casting sins on Rosh Hashanah” and sent it to Epstein, who approved it. This menu listed a wide array of breads. There was a bread for every lustful sin and sexual fetish desired by party pals.  Epstein matched the fetishes with the young girls he thought were best for them. The menu, which appears in DOJ's Epstein Files at Doc. Nos. EFTA00996804 and EFTA00996805 , coded the "bread" for the type of fetish a party pal wanted to experience at Epstein’s sex parties.    The Epstein Files referenced “bread” preferences for Epstein and his party pals in 1,299 emails. No ordinary American emails friends about “bread” 1,299 times in the span of a few years, unless he is in the bakery business (which Epstein was not).  The original email count referencing “bread” was 1,364.  This week, DOJ clawed back 65 of those emails for reasons that have not been disclosed.   The other code word is “jerky,” as in  beef jerky.  There are 380 documents about “jerky.” These emails are depraved and sickening. They are available in the Epstein Files. Just insert "jerky" in the search bar. Based upon what we know today, “jerky” is the code word for the cannibalized human remains of children that were refrigerated or frozen until it was time for certain party pals to consume the remains at a later date.   DOJ's Ongoing Epstein Coverup   Only one person was prosecuted in the 2019 Epstein case, despite the existence of hundreds of perpetrators and 1,000+ acknowledged crime victims. That person is Ghislaine Maxwell, whom Trump desires to free.  Last year, Trump moved Maxwell from a low-security prison to a cushy country club prison camp in Texas, where she can be furloughed to home for 30-day periods without registering as a sex offender.   The ongoing DOJ coverup in this case began within days after Epstein was arrested in 2019.  The coverup included the silencing of Epstein, via his murder.    The coverup continued through the end of the first Trump administration in January 2021 and throughout the 4-year Joe Biden administration (2021 to 2025).  It has continued and ramped up during the second Trump administration.   To this day, no DOJ official has properly investigated the plethora of violent crimes against Epstein-related victims. Today, the lead co-conspirator – Donald Trump -- is directing the ongoing DOJ coverup in this case.   The relationship between Trump and Attorney General Pam Bondi is much like a “pimp” controlling his “whore.”  Bondi has no conscience, professionalism, or self-respect.  Trump and Bondi must leave office before accountability and criminal justice can occur in the Epstein case.   Here is the good news: There is no statute of limitations for murder. There is no presidential immunity for Epstein-related murders that were committed before Trump assumed the presidency.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on February 8, 2026 An Editorial Opinion Last week, Donald Trump established himself as the best-known unreformed and unrepentant racist in America with his depiction of former First Lady Michelle Obama as an ape and former President Barack Obama as a monkey in a video he posted to his Truth Social account. The video was deleted after 12 hours of visibility and widespread public backlash.    Arguably, the Obamas are among the best educated and most successful Blacks in America.  In Trump’s eyes, they are nothing but jungle animals. If the Obamas are animals, then all Blacks are animals in Trump's eyes.   Trump says his depiction of the Obamas as an ape and monkey was no mistake. Likewise, he has refused to apologize for this racist slap across the face of all Black Americans. Only hardcore racists depict Blacks as animals . It's a present-day vestige of America's slavery era in which enslaved Blacks were deemed to be sub-human and had no rights that white men were bound to respect.. Trump Must Resign from the Presidency ASAP!   Donald Trump presents a clear and present danger to all Black Americans. He enjoys degrading and hurting us. He is evil and sadistic in that way. Trump must be forced to resign from the Presidency as soon as possible.  His early departure from the White House requires special skills and talents from a select team of liberators with a proven track-record of triggering the removal of powerful public officials from office.   Black elected officials in Washington are too weak and timid to do this job. Most members of Congress are too compromised by AIPAC money and pressure from Jeffrey Epstein’s elite pedophile customers to do it.  The MAGA-controlled Supreme Court is too corrupt to do it. Attorney General Pam Bondi, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, and FBI Director Kash Patel are Trump's accomplices in crime.  As such, they certainly will not do it. The A-Team for this job consists of Joseph L. Cole , Doyal Reed , and Donald V. Watkins.  Unlike the vast majority of men in America today, we have “balls” of steel. This team is experienced in liberating government entities from the dictatorial grip of unhinged tyrants. This team contributed to the early departure from office of the following high-profile public officials: Alabama Governor Guy Hunt Alabama Governor Robert Bentley Chief U.S. District Judge Mark Fuller, Middle District of Alabama U.S. District Judge H. Dean Buttram, Jr., Northern District of Alabama U.S. District Judge Abdul K. Kallon, Northern District of Alabama U.S. District Judge Jack Camp, Northern District of Georgia Frank Donaldson, U.S. Attorney, Northern District of Alabama Dozens of crooked state and local officials   This A-Team has the resources needed to find and expose the darkest secrets of any public official, including Donald Trump. This team can’t be controlled, bought-off, or intimidated. It is also proficient in the political aspects of Sun Tzu’s “Art of War.”   This A-Team will use all lawful means at our disposal to evict Donald Trump and his Epstein-groomed wife from the White House.  Every tool necessary to accomplish this goal is available to us. The information required for this job exists and is being properly curated. It has NEVER before been made public. Presently, national media organizations are focusing on Trump's participation in Epstein's child sex ring. However, Trump's "Achilles heel" lies in another zone of public interest that is far worse than the Epstein scandal. Our Team's Goal is Achievable   At first blush, this may seem like wishful thinking or an unachievable goal. That viewpoint would be wrong. This goal is within our reach. In fact, it is our civic duty. Donald Trump is a deeply flawed, 79-year-old, low-IQ, life-form. His body is ravaged by multiple illnesses, years of unhealthy diets, a lack of daily exercises, accummulated stress, decades of orange spray tanning toxins, years of Epstein child sex debachery, and one or more TIAs. Additionally, less than 30% of Americans support this serial liar, nonstop grifter, and gutter-level bigot. Any despot with this much baggage can be defeated by advocates who are skilled in the political aspects of Sun Tzu's "Art of War."

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on February 7, 2026 Excerpt from Donald V. Watkins' Birth Certificate. In 1948, the Douglass School in the “Free State” of Kansas and city of Parsons was widely recognized in White and Black America as the premier public elementary and junior high school for “Colored” students in America. My father, Levi Watkins, was its principal, a position he had held since 1940.   I was born in Parsons on September 8, 1948.  My birth certificate notes that I am the fifth child of Levi and Lillian Watkins, who were 37 and 31 when I was born.  The document has a little-noticed detail that would later serve as my passport to a life that was filled with privilege and enormous community service responsibilities for many decades.  In the section for my father’s occupation, it said: “Principal, Douglass School.”   Growing up in the 1950s and 60s, I had to show my birth certificate to a lot of people for a lot of reasons. Most of those people knew about the Douglass School’s outstanding national academic reputation. They extended special courtesies to me because I was linked to the Douglass School by virtue of my father's work there. Likewise, I had a life-long obligation to uplift all aspects of the community that made the Douglass School great, along with other similarly situated communities across America.   In 1940, the Douglass junior high division was the only accredited four-year separate junior high school in the entire state of Kansas.  In 1946, the Douglas junior high division became the home to Chapter No. 446 of the National Honor Society, commencing with seven honor students.  By 1947, Douglass students outperformed their peers in Parsons’s ten public schools. Faculty and students of the Douglass School in Parsons, Kansas in 1945. Throughout our lives, my five siblings and I have amassed hundreds of honors, awards, plaques, trophies, and citations for academic and professional achievements. All of them were deeply appreciated by the recipients and the Watkins family. However, the one document that means more to the Watkins siblings than all the awards combined is the "Standard Certificate of Live Birth” that lists Levi and Lillian Watkins as our parents.   Only six of these birth certificates were ever issued and each Watkins sibling held/holds one of them.  There is no more valuable document in our possession.  It has been our passport to an incredible and wonderful journey in life.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on November 2, 2025   Dr. James A. Watkins, M.D. (left) and Dr. Robert D. Vaughn, Jr.,M.D. (right) are trailblazing surgeons in medicine and business. They founded Vaughn and Watkins, M.D.s, which later grew into Dilworth Surgical Group, P.A., in Charlotte, North Carolina. In 2009, Dilworth merged as an equal partner with Charlotte Surgical Group, P.A. to become Surgical Specialists of Charlotte, P.A. In the Pursuit of Greatness My two brothers were educated in medicine and trained as surgeons.  Most people are familiar with Dr. Levi Watkins, Jr. , because he was the renowned heart surgeon who co-developed and implanted the first automatic defibrillator in a human patient at Johns Hopkins University Medical Center in 1980. Today, more than 3 million heart patients worldwide have this life-saving device implanted in their bodies.   This article tells the remarkable and more impressive story of my younger brother, Dr. James A. Watkins, a general surgeon who co-founded a privately-owned surgical practice group in Charlotte, North Carolina.  Upon completion of his surgical training, James and his medical school friend and classmate, Dr. Robert D. Vaughn, Jr., started and grew one of the most successful surgical groups in Charlotte's history.    Levi, Jr., achieved his success in medicine while working as a high-profile surgeon/employee on an institutional platform that was built, owned, and maintained by Johns Hopkins University Medical School.  James and Robert achieved their success on a medical services platform that they built, owned, and grew themselves into a surgical group powerhouse. Inside of the close-knit Watkins family, James’s successful trailblazing in medicine and business was always more impressive to me. James and Robert rendered world-class surgical care while economically empowering a cadre of fellow surgeons, office personnel, medical institutions, medical vendors, and the Charlotte community as a whole. Levi, Jr., co-developed an innovative medical device (i.e., the implantable defibrillator) and a new surgical procedure to install it in the human body, which was a monumental achievement. However, James and Robert developed a new, better, and privately-owned medical services platform that served and empowered an entire metropolitan community in a plethora of positive ways.   James and Robert Turned a Vision into a Privately-Owned Medical Empire   James and Robert moved to Charlotte, North Carolina in June of 1981 after completing the five-year surgical residency training program at Georgetown University Medical Center in Washington, D.C. They both graduated from Meharry Medical College in Nashville, Tennessee in 1976 and have been friends since they met there in 1972. James was born in Montgomery, Alabama and graduated from the University of Alabama. Robert was born in Chattanooga, Tennessee and graduated from Morehouse College. They decided to start a medical partnership, as they both had a strong desire to return to the Southeast to open a practice. Robert had family ties in Charlotte because his sister attended Johnson C. Smith University and married a local realtor with strong ties in the city. James agreed to consider Charlotte as a potential place to start their new partnership.  Later, they agreed that Charlotte was an up-and-coming progressive community and they wanted to become a part of it. James and Robert were encouraged by many of the city's established black professionals to consider renting space in the East Independence Plaza Building for their office, which they did. This building project, near uptown Charlotte, had been led by Julius Chambers, a nationally renowned civil rights attorney. The impressive, black-owned, seven-story, glistening office tower created a sense of community pride and became a commercial hub for the city's surging number of black professionals. James and Robert borrowed $5,000.00 from their respective fathers as initial seed money to open their surgical practice. Wachovia Bank (which is now Wells Fargo) was the only bank that would lend them any significant amount of money at the time. In July of 1981, they secured a $50,000.00 SBA-guaranteed line of credit to open the business. The interest rate was a whopping 21%. Fortunately, the Charlotte community readily embraced James and Robert. Besed upon their reputations as well-trained surgeons, they quickly developed a steady and growing stream of patients. James and Robert reached profitability in record time. They only used about half of the $50,000 line of credit and were able to quickly pay off the debt. Business Growth, Expansion, and a Merger of Equals James and Robert were very interested in becoming a part of the training of surgical residents in the Charlotte metropolitan area. As such, they enthusiastically joined the teaching staff at Carolinas Medical Center. They were also interested in growing their surgical practice and thought that having an inside track to a pool of well-trained future surgeons was a great idea. They were right. Dr. Preston Fogle, M.D., completed his surgical residency training at Carolinas Medical Center and spent a year on the institution's teaching staff. Having been a part of Preston’s training, it was a very easy decision for James and Robert to invite him to become part of their surgical group. After Dr. Fogle joined the group, James and Robert changed their business name from Vaughn and Watkins, M.D.s, P.A., to Dilworth Surgical Group, P.A. This name change coincided with their purchase of an office building on East Blvd. in the Dilworth neighborhood with plans for further expansion. The next partner to join the group may have seemed somewhat controversial for the time period. Up until that point, the Dilworth Surgical Group consisted of three black surgeons working together, which was the norm in the South for that time period. Dr. Robert Solyomvari, an excellent surgeon who happens to be white, also completed the Surgical Residency program at Carolinas Medical Center. Dr. Solyomvari, an immigrant from Budapest, Hungary, eagerly sought a partnership with the Dilworth Surgical Group. He joined the group in 1991. With the inclusion of Dr. Solomvari, James and Robert broke the color barrier in Charlotte by establishing a surgical practice where black surgeons worked as business partners with white surgeons. In the years that followed, James and Robert added a good mix of world-class black, white, and female surgeons to the group. With ten surgeons, Dilworth Surgical Group moved to a larger office space closer to Carolinas Medical Center. In 2009, Charlotte’s two largest general surgery groups created a "merger of equals" when Dilworth Surgical Group merged with Charlotte Surgical Group, P.A., to become Surgical Specialists of Charlotte, P.A. In 2011, a smaller surgical group -- Southeast Surgical Associates -- joined Surgical Specialists of Charlotte, P.A.   Dilworth Surgical Group's Success Opened Many Doors of Opportunity As their surgical practice grew, James and Robert racked up numerous personal and professional accomplishments. Additionally, James served as Chief of Surgery at Mercy Hospital and later served as President of the Medical Staff at Mercy Hospital. Robert also served as Chief of Surgery at Mercy Hospital, Chief of Surgery at Carolinas Medical Center, and later as President of the Medical Staff at Carolinas Medical Center. As part of the teaching staff at Carolinas Medical Center, James and Robert were both designated as Clinical Associate Professors of Surgery, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. James and Robert were Board Certified in General Surgery, and they were both Fellows of the American College of Surgeons. Pride in a Legacy of Success Today, James and Robert are retired surgeons. Their goal of building a world-class, diversified, highly successful, large-scale surgery practice was achieved. From the beginning, James and Robert were committed to providing the highest quality surgical care not only to the African-American community, but to the Charlotte community as a whole. This goal was achieved, as well.   As I look back on it today, I am in awe of what Drs. James A. Watkins and Robert D. Vaughn, Jr., achieved in medicine and business, and I am extremely proud of the way they did it.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on February 2, 2026 Staring Down the Barrel of 85 Felony Counts and 650 Years in Prison Twenty-one years ago today, the Wall Street Journal published a front-page feature article on HealthSouth Corporation CEO Richard M. Scrushy’s selection of Donald V. Watkins to lead his criminal defense team in a case where he faced an 85-felony count federal indictment and up to 650 years in prison.   Scrushy, who was innocent of the financial fraud charges alleged in his November 4, 2003 indictment, demanded a trial by jury.   By Scrushy's January 2005 trial date, our defense team had knocked out 27 of the 85 counts using a Blitzkrieg of laser-guided, precision-designed, pretrial motions. All of them hit their targets. We called this technique,"laser litigation." Knocking out 27 felony charges in a single-defendant case using "laser litigation" was our first national record in American jurisprudence. Leading the Defense Team   “When Richard Scrushy went on trial last week in federal court here, the lawyer standing up to defend the former HealthSouth chief executive was James ‘Jim’ Parkman III.  With his good-ole-boy manner and deep southern drawl, Mr. Parkman is more accustomed to representing defendants accused of driving drunk than executives facing 58 counts of corporate corruption,” the WSJ article said.   “But he has help. Sitting at the defense table is the real legal mastermind of the case: Donald V. Watkins, a wealthy attorney, banker and entrepreneur from Birmingham. Although Mr. Watkins hasn't regularly practiced law since 1999, he has spent the past 20 months overseeing Mr. Scrushy's defense. Working closely, the two men have pursued an aggressive, and often unorthodox, defense strategy that has cost more than $23 million so far.”   Our team’s “unorthodox” defense won the remaining 58 felony counts.   On June 28, 2005, after five months of trial and 21 days of jury deliberations, Scrushy walked out of the federal courthouse in Birmingham a free man.  We defeated an battalion of federal prosecutors, support personnel, collaborating SEC personnel, and FBI agents from Washington, Atlanta, and Birmingham on all 85 charges.   The final score in Scrushy's case was 85-0 in our favor. No white-collar criminal defendant before or since Richard Scrushy has defeated 85 felony charges in a single-defendant case.   This shutout of government prosecutors on 85 felony charges established our second national record in American jurisprudence. The Jury's "Not Guilty" Verdicts Stunned the Nation   The Washington Post called the "Not Guilty" verdicts a "miracle," while the New York Times referred to them as a "stunner."   The July 25, 2005, edition of Fortune Magazine profiled the case in a feature article titled, “ Donald Watkins: The Man Who Saved Richard Scrushy .”   ​ An October 1, 2006, Texas A&M University, Texas Wesleyan Law Review published an article for law students and practitioners that featured my creative and "unorthodox" criminal defense techniques for complex white-collar criminal cases.  Law schools around the nation now teach these litigation techniques.   ​My lead defense counsel's role in Scrushy’s landmark case is featured in a May 11, 2020 Netflix documentary series titled, " Trial by Media, " Episode #4, "King Richard."     Finally, February is Black History Month. It is worth noting that an African American lawyer (retired), whom the Wall Street Journal declared was " the real legal mastermind of the case ," holds the national record for winning the most felony counts (85) in a single-defendant criminal trial. This record has stood for 21 years and is not likely to be broken -- ever.