By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 22, 2024 On October 12, 2022, I published an article titled, “Masada: The Demand for Clean Fuel Conquers All.” A lot of positive things have happened in the global marketplace since this article was published. Since 1998, I have owned a company named Watkins-Pencor, LLC. It is the designated “Manager” of the Masada Resource Group, LLC, family of companies. Masada is an international waste-to-fuel technology company. Between 2007 and 2017, Masada established 19 international partnerships to facilitate the commercial deployment of waste-to-fuel market opportunities in over 40 locations around the world. Watkins-Pencor also holds an ownership interest in various Masada affiliates worldwide. On January 17, 2024, Masada executed an Engagement Letter with Synergy Consulting Infrastructure and Financial Advisory Services, Inc., to provide Masada financial advisory services for the company's planned $300 million USD waste-to-energy project in the Durbin/Mandeni Region of South Africa. Synergy Consulting is an independent global company with offices in the USA, UAE, South Korea, Saudi Arabia, Japan, South Africa, and UK specializing in Infrastructure Advisory and Project Finance. All Advisory Services for a wide range of Infrastructure projects to private and public sector clients for capital intensive Greenfield and Brownfield projects. On August 22, 2023, Masada executed a Project Management Services Agreement with TWD Technologies Ltd., headquartered in Burlington, Ontario (Canada), to provide end-to-end project management services for this waste-to-energy project. With soaring fuel costs, Masada offers common sense solutions to the production of clean-burning fuels at affordable prices per gallon or liter. Additionally, Masada’s 2007 “Sponsored Research Agreement” with Auburn University broadened the company’s portfolio of energy creating solutions and gave Masada a sustained competitive advantage, worldwide. Masada and Watkins-Pencor enjoyed a reputation for excellence in the field of clean energy and international business. In 2015, Masada was the recipient of the Alabama Governor’s Trade Excellence Award. The company's achievements in business and accomplishments in the clean energy sector have been recognized by global biofuels organizations and trade publications. Masada is moving forward with projects that produce clean burning fuels around the world. The demand for commercial-scale clean fuel production technologies is surging in a host of developed countries. The timing is right for Masada's smart, clean energy solutions in signatory countries to the 2016 Paris Agreement. South Africa is one of these progressive countries.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 21, 2024 An Editorial Opinion Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis threw in the towel today (Sunday).  He dropped out of the 2024 presidential race. DeSantis never had any substance as a Florida governor or presidential candidate. DeSantis single-handedly turned the beautiful Sunshine state into a 1950s version of Mississippi. DeSantis declared war on Mickey Mouse.  What political idiot does that? DeSantis publicly told Black Floridians that the history of their ancestors was of no value to Floridians or anybody else. DeSantis’ entire campaign focused on "anti-woke" issues like the diehard racists of the 1950s.  DeSantis took pride in being nothing more than a modern-day apostle of racial hatred. During his two terms as Florida’s governor, DeSantis was never able help homeowners in his state get affordable property insurance.  He never grew the state’s economy.  He didn’t make a dent in improving the quality of the state’s public education systems. Donald Trump had DeSantis’ number all along.  Trump knew that DeSantis was a small-time punk with the backbone of a jellyfish. DeSantis' presidential run affirms this truism about most of today’s high-profile politicians: You cannot make chicken salad out of chicken shit, no matter how many PR ingredients you add to the dish.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 20, 2024 An Editorial Opinion Criminal cases involving high-profile politicians are fraught with danger for prosecutors and investigative reporters. During the course of my legal career, I worked with the Alabama Attorney General and Montgomery County District Attorney to attack public corruption in several high-profile cases. In 1992, I worked with Montgomery County District Attorney Jimmy Evans on the investigation and prosecution of Governor Guy Hunt on theft, conspiracy, and public corruption charges. In 1993, Hunt was convicted on all charges and was forced from office by virtue of his conviction. In 1974, Attorney General Bill Baxley appointed me to represent the state of Alabama in the criminal appeals of Talladega, Alabama Police Lieutenant Jimmy Ray Hurst, who murdered Charles “Cooter” Mann.  We won every round in the appellate process and Hurst remains in prison today. From 1975 to 1977, I collaborated with Jimmy Evans in a criminal investigation that forced the resignations of Montgomery, Alabama’s mayor, police commissioner, and eight police officers who covered up the police murder of an unarmed and innocent man named Bernard Whitehurst. In April 2013, the city of Montgomery finally acknowledged the police coverup in Whitehurst’s case. As an investigative journalist, I exposed sex scandals that resulted in the forced resignations of Chief U.S. District Court Judge Mark E. Fuller (Montgomery, Alabama) in August 2015 and Gov. Robert Bentley in April 2017. Gov. Robert Bentley, who viewed himself as the “Chief Magistrate of the State,” had a history of abusing the power of his office to unlawfully harass and retaliate against individuals who reported fraud, waste, and abuse to regulatory and law enforcement agencies.  See, Report of the House of Representatives Judiciary Committee on Articles of Impeachment Against Governor Robert Bentley Pursuant to House Rule 79.1, dated April 25, 2017, Attachment titled, Pre-Hearing Submission of Special Counsel regarding Governor Bentley’s “Special Investigations,” at pp. 86-92. I was a target of Gov. Bentley’s “Special Investigations.” (Id. at p.87). Robert Bentley caused numerous state and federal agencies to investigate me for everything possible. Law enforcement agencies based in Alabama gleefully accommodated Bentley's many acts of retaliation against me. No state or federal law enforcement agency protected me from Bentley's vengeance. I literally survived a law enforcement lynching. In the process, I learned who my true friends were. Key Obstacles for Anti-Corruption Fighters The first technique corrupt politicians use against anti-corruption fighters is to jail them on phony criminal charges.  I have faced a steady stream of such threats since 1975. Efforts to jail me started with the Whitehurst case and ended in Birmingham, Alabama with the successful fabrication of phony federal criminal charges against me in 2018 by Lloyd Peeples, a failed pizza store operator who was appointed as the First Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Alabama in 2017 despite his documented history of hostility toward successful blacks. The same business transactions that were used by Birmingham federal prosecutors to fabricate criminal charges against me had been reviewed two years earlier by top federal prosecutors in New Jersey, who cleared me of all wrongdoing. The second technique corrupt politicians use to derail investigation into corruption is to smear the name of the anti-corruption fighter.  The art of “smearing” flourished during the FBI’s official COINTELPRO program (1956 to 1971).  “Smearing” is in continuous use by law enforcement agencies across the South.  In fact, it has become a staple of the state and federal criminal justice system. The third technique is frequently used by corrupt politicians (as aided and abetted by their corporate allies) and involves the coordinated use of government and corporate resources to shut down law enforcement and journalistic investigations into their misconduct.  The North Birmingham Bribery Case is a classic example of this technique. The Quagmire for Fulton County District Attorney Fani T. Willis Fulton County District Attorney Fan T. Willis is prosecuting the biggest state RICO case in America. Every prosecutor who attacks corruption of any kind at the highest levels of government will be scrutinized for weaknesses, mistakes, and ethical lapses.  It goes with the turf. Montgomery County District Attorney Jimmy Evans was crucified for prosecuting Gov. Guy Hunt on theft, conspiracy and ethics violation charges and for indicting three Montgomery police officers for perjury in the Bernard Whitehurst case. Alabama Attorney General Bill Baxley was ostracized for appointing me, a black attorney, to represent the state in opposing Lt. Jimmy Ray Hurst’ criminal appeals from his murder conviction in a case where all of the parties were white. High-profile criminal prosecutions require an “A-Team” approach.  Every action the prosecutor undertakes in his/her personal and professional life is scrutinized. Every member of Fani Willis’ “A-Team” is subject to heightened scrutiny. In Willis’ RICO case against Donald Trump, it is clear that special prosecutor Nathan J. Wade does not qualify as an “A-Team” member.  In fact, Wade is Willis’ “Archilles heel.” Through Wade and his ongoing divorce case, the public is getting a front row seat to a nasty “love triangle” between Fani Willis, Nathan Wade, and Wade’s estranged wife, Jocelyn. Based on credit card receipts that were released Friday in the Wade divorce case, we now know that payments to Nathan Wade that were approved by Fani Willis paid for airfare, cruises, and vacations to exotic ports of call for Willis and Wade. What is worse, Willis is directly attacking Jocelyn Wade.  This is a huge strategic and tactical mistake. It is also unprofessional. Nathan Wade’s lack of objective qualifications as a RICO prosecutor, his messy divorce situation, and Fani Willis’ entanglement in all of this threatens to destroy her career as a prosecutor. At some point, Fani Willis’ staunchest allies will not be able to ignore the continuous flow of damning information about Nathan J. Wade.  When this point is reached, Fani Willis will be doomed.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 18, 2024 An Editorial Opinion A review of Fulton County Special Prosecutor Nathan J Wade’s invoices to Fani T. Willis evidence a pattern and practice of “padding” his invoices to a public entity client – Fulton County, Georgia. I have testified as an expert witness on the reasonableness of attorney’s fee petitions in state and federal courts, both as to the rate charged by the petitioning attorney and the number of hours billed. The most experienced litigation attorneys are entitled to highest billing rates per hour in a particular case.  There are court recognized factors that objectively assess the appropriate hourly rate, based upon the lawyer’s objectively measured experience in the case at issue. Assuming that the objectively measured factors justify a $250 per hour rate for Nathan J. Wade, which they do not, the most troubling entry on his invoices relates to Wade’s claim of that he performed work for 24 hours on November 5, 2021.  This entry is highly improbable on its face. Wade included other time entries that are just as improbable when scrutinized by professionals who have expertise in attorneys’ billings and billing rates. Wade’s invoices will not likely withstand heightened scrutiny by independent auditors who specialize in attorney's fee matters. Fani Willis personally signed the District Attorney office's contracts with Wade and approved the payments made to Wade. If they were secret lovers when Wade's invoices were approved for payment, this would be a huge problem for Willis and Wade. It would be in the best interest of both Willis and Wade for Wade to: (a) invest in hourly billing software, (b) promptly revise all of his invoices and supporting documentation using this software, and (c) promptly resubmit his revised invoices to the District Attorney's office. Wade should promptly issue the Fulton County Treasurer a financial credit for the “padded” items on his past invoices against future unpaid invoices. A Fulton County financial official other than Fani T. Willis needs to review Wade’s resubmitted invoices and supporting documentation and resolve this matter. Finally, Nathan J. Wade should promptly resign his post as special prosecutor.  Unfortunately, Wade's personal affairs and marital conduct have now become the focus of the Donald Trump RICO case. This situation is what I call a "self-inflicted wound."

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 15, 2024 An Editorial Opinion Under fire for her decision to hire a special prosecutor who lacked basic qualifications for the complex RICO case against Donald J. Trump and his 18 co-defendants, Fulton County District attorney doubled down and defended her lover -- Nathan J. Wade. In church yesterday, Willis called Wade a legal “superstar” who is uniquely qualified for the role. Willis did not dispute that she and Wade are lovers, a status that commenced while Wade was married to his wife, Joscelyn. On January 8, 2024, Trump co-defendant Michael Roman filed a motion alleging that Willis and Wade enjoyed an undisclosed illicit relationship as lovers and that Willis financially benefitted from this previously undisclosed personal relationship. [Click here to read the entire 127-page motion, with exhibits]. So, What Makes Nathan J. Wade a Legal “Superstar”? Nathan J. Wade is not a recognized expert in state or federal RICO prosecutions.  Wade has not published articles in professional journals on RICO cases. Wade has not served as lecturer on RICO or any other subject in mandatory continuing legal education courses for licensed attorneys in Georgia. All of Wade’s prior positions within Georgia’s criminal justice system have been low-level political appointments. He has never been elected to any prosecutorial or judgeship position. Wade has never been a Bar Examiner in Georgia, or elsewhere. Wade lists no landmark cases of any kind on his firm’s bio page. Nathan J. Wade has a Martindale-Hubbell five-star rating based upon peer reviews by two people.   However, Wade does not have a Martindale-Hubbell “AV” rating, which must be awarded by a committee of his legal peers in Marietta, Georgia. The “AV” rating is the highest peer rating standard. This is given to attorneys who are ranked at the highest level of professional excellence for their legal expertise, communication skills, and ethical standards by their peers. Wade also lacks the lower “Distinguished” and “Notable” peer review rating awards. Wade has not been recognized in the New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Forbes Magazine, Fortune Magazine, or any other national publication for his work as a legal “superstar.” Yet, Willis called Wade “a lawyer with impeccable credentials.” Nathan J. Wade may be a superstar in areas unknown to the public, but he is NOT a legal "superstar." Is the Focus on Nathan J. Wade the Result of White Racism? Yesterday, Willis suggested that Nathan J. Wade is being subjected to heightened scrutiny in the Trump case because he is black.  Willis pointed out that two other special prosecutors working on the Trump RICO case are white.  These attorneys are John Floyd and Anna Green Cross. Billing records in the case show that Nathan Wade’s law firm has been paid $654,000 by the District Attorney’s Office since January 2022. According to billing documents reviewed by The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Cross’ firm has been paid almost $43,000 for her work on the Trump election interference case while Floyd’s has been paid $73,000 by the DA’s office. No defendant in Trump’s RICO case has alleged that Anna Green Cross or John Floyd is engaged in an illicit sexual relationship with Willis. To be clear, "white racism" is NOT a factor in questions about the hiring of Nathan J. Wade, or his lack of credentials, or his "padded" invoicing in Trump's case. On a personal level, taxpayers in Birmingham took me to the Alabama Supreme Court because the city of Birmingham paid me $8 million to win 73 straight cases from 1985 to 1992. In my case, a certain segment of the city's population thought I was winning too many cases that dismantled the barriers erected by prior administration to slow the economic, educational, and political progress of the city's black citizens. Regardless of the motivation, heightened public scrutiny of the expenditure of public funds is ALWAYS a good thing. In Fani T. Willis' case, no white racist made Willis hire a prosecutor who lacks felony prosecution experience, who lacks experience in prosecuting RICO cases, and who has shown no demonstrable expertise in prosecuting any category of felonies in the indictment. Willis' hiring of Wade is particularly troubling because it involves a boyfriend-girlfriend hookup where public funds are used to financially secure the boyfriend's future while he is divorcing his wife. Furthermore, Wade submitted a litany of invoices that appear to be "padded," which is a classic sign of gouging. Based upon what we knew today, Fani Willis, herself, approved the payment of Wade's padded invoices. Willis Has Blown Trump’s RICO Case Fani T. Willis took a rock-solid RICO and conspiracy case against Donald Trump and his 18 co-defendants and blew it.  Her conduct in hiring an objectively unqualified Nathan J. Wade to serve as a lead special prosecutor in Trump’s RICO case has turned a solid criminal case into a circus about her sex life with a married man. Heightened scrutiny of the Willis-Wade contracts is NOT the result of "white racism." This is a tragic case where Fani T. Willis’ bedroom lust overrode her reasonable business judgment in the biggest case in America. This lapse in ethical conduct and business judgment will not end well for Fani T. Willis or Nathan J. Wade.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 14, 2024 An Editorial Opinion Based upon the publicly available evidence, Fulton County, Georgia District Attorney Fani T. Willis had an exceptionally tight RICO case against Donald J. Trump and his 18 co-defendants. Willis’ RICO case was the most threatening one of Trump’s four criminal prosecutions. Willis’ RICO case was announced on August 14, 2023.  Since then, former Trump attorneys Jenna Ellis, Sidney Powell, and Kenneth Chesebro, and bail bondsman Scott Hall have all entered guilty pleas and agreed to testify in any trials related to the case. On January 8, 2024, it was alleged that a special prosecutor Fani T. Willis hired to work on Trump’s case -- Nathan J. Wade – was her married lover.  It was also alleged that Willis financially benefitted from this previously undisclosed personal relationship. The Willis-Wade relationship is described in detail in a motion filed on behalf of defendant Michael Roman, a former Trump campaign official and co-defendant, that seeks to have the criminal charges against him dismissed and for Willis, Wade and the entire DA’s office to be disqualified from further prosecution of the case. [Click here to read the entire 127-page Motion, with exhibits]. Nathan J. Wade Lacks the Basic Qualifications as a RICO Prosecutor. Any objective review of Nathan J. Wade’s qualifications shows that he lacks the basic qualifications to serve as a special prosecutor in Trump’s RICO case. Wade is not even qualified under Georgia law to serve as a court-appointed defense counsel for an indigent defendant in a state RICO case. According to his firm’s website (Wade and Campbell), Nathan J. Wade is a former city court prosecutor who handled run-of-the mill misdemeanor cases.  He also describes himself as a “natural born trial attorney.” Wade has also served as an associate municipal court judge and, on occasion, as a pro hac state court judge. All of these are low-level positions within Georgia’s criminal justice system. In his private practice, Wade is regarded as an “ambulance chaser” in major car wreck cases. He also handles divorces, contract disputes, and other types of civil disputes. Wade lists no landmark cases on his firm’s bio page. Nathan J. Wade has a Martindale-Hubbell five-star rating based upon reviews submitted by two people.   However, Wade does not have a Martindale-Hubbell “AV” rating, which must be awarded by a committee of Wade's legal peers in Marietta, Georgia. The “AV” rating is the highest peer rating standard. This is given to attorneys who are ranked at the highest level of professional excellence for their legal expertise, communication skills, and ethical standards by their peers. Wade also lacks the lower “Distinguished” and “Notable” peer review ratings, as well. The credential for Wade’s law partner, Christopher Campbell, are weaker than those for Wade. Did Wade’s Presence in this Case Taint the Trump Grand Jury? A series of contracts Fani T. Willis executed with Nathan Wade and his law firm gave Wade a key role in the case against Donald Trump.  Wade led the prosecution team's presentation to the special grand jury that spent nearly eight months in 2022 collecting evidence and hearing witness testimony in Trump’s RICO case. Wade has also led Willis’ prosecution team in numerous pretrial proceedings in the case. According to his billing records, Wade also had two 8-hour meetings with Joe Biden's White House Counsel in 2022. As such, Nathan J. Wade has been an active participant in the Donald Trump case since the special grand jury proceedings began in the case. Wade and Campbell has been paid nearly $654,000 in legal fees since January 2022.  Did Fani Willis personally authorize these payments? We don't know. Wade's Billings in Trump's Case are Problematic An objective review of the itemized invoices submitted by Nathan J. Wade suggests that Wade has engaged in the pattern and practice of "gouging" Fulton County taxpayers, based upon the systematic maximation of billable hours submitted at his approved billing rate of $250 per hour. While the hourly rate for Nathan J. Wade was capped at $250 per hour, the number of billable hours per day was not. Who reviewed Nathan Wade's invoices to determine if they were reasonable? For example, who verified that Wade actually spent 8 hours with White House Counsel on two occasions, as he claimed in his invoices? We don't know. It is well-known within the legal profession that invoices submitted by attorneys who are going through personal divorce proceedings should be subjected to heightened scrutiny. Furthermore, it does not appear that the multiple legal services contracts executed between Willis’ office and the Wade and Campbell law firm were submitted to the appropriate regulatory contract review committee and approved by this body. Additionally, there are new allegations that Fani T. Willis may have financial benefitted from the flow of money to Nathan J. Wade.  These allegations require a thorough and independent investigation by Georgia’s ethics commission. Michael Roman’s motion alleges that Willis and Wade have been involved in a romantic relationship that began before Wade was appointed special prosecutor.  It also alleges that the couple traveled together to Napa Valley and Florida, and they cruised the Caribbean together using tickets Wade purchased from Norwegian and Royal Caribbean cruise lines. If true, these allegations taint the prosecution of Donald J. Trump by Willis and Wade. The motion also alleges that the checks sent to Nathan J. Wade from Fulton County and Wade’s subsequent purchase of vacations for Willis could amount to honest services fraud, a federal crime in which a vendor gives impermissible kickbacks to an employer.  According to the motion, it is also possible that the actions of Willis and Wade could be prosecuted under the federal racketeering statute. It's too early in the litigation to determine the validity of these claims. Trump’s RICO Case is No Longer About Trump’s Election Fraud in Georgia; Now, It’s all About an illicit Love Affair between Fani T. Willis and Her Married Boyfriend. Fani T. Willis took a rock-solid RICO and conspiracy case against Donald Trump and his 18 co-defendants and blew it.  Her conduct in hiring an objectively unqualified Nathan J. Wade to serve as a lead special prosecutor in Trump’s RICO case has turned a solid criminal case into a circus about her sex life with a married man. For the first time, Donald  Trump’s RICO case is dripping with "reasonable doubt." Here are a few examples of such "reasonable doubt:" 1. Was Donald Trump investigated and prosecuted for the purpose of enriching Nathan j. Wade, Fani T. Willis’ alleged illicit lover? 2. Did Nathan J. Wade have a financial motive and pecuniary interest in seeking an indictment in Donald Trump’s case that was not disclosed to the grand jurors? 3. Was Nathan J. Wade qualified for his prominent prosecutorial role in Trump’s case in the first place? 4. Were the contracts executed between Willis’ office and Wade’s firm approved by the appropriate contract review oversight bodies?  If not, why not? 5. Did Fani T. Willis benefit, directly or indirectly, from any payments she approved for Nathan J. Wade and his law firm? 6. Who in the District Attorney’s office reviewed invoices submitted by Nathan J. Wade and approved them for payment?  Did Willis see any invoice submitted by Wade prior to its payment? 7. Did Fani Willis know that the contracts executed between the District Attorney’s office and Wade and Campbell provided the funding for any romantic interludes with Nathan J. Wade to exotic ports of call? 8. Was this Brady material disclosed to all defendants after they were indicted last August? Today, Trump’s Georgia RICO case is a hot mess and Fani T. Willis has no one to blame but herself.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 13, 2024 An Editorial Opinion I have been privileged to meet many great Americans on my journey through life.  Coach Harvest Mitchell is one of them. This article constitutes my personal tribute to Coach Mitchell, one of the bravest and greatest men I have known during my 46-year legal career. I was born into the family of Levi and Lillian Watkins.  They were my parents and first set of heroes. As a young child growing up in Montgomery, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was my pastor, Sunday School teacher, and Baptist Training Union instructor at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church.  Rosa Parks was my mom’s close friend and a frequent visitor to our home. The NAACP, America’s oldest civil rights organization, awarded me a scholarship to desegregate The University of Alabama’s law school.  It was there that I met Mr. Ramus Rhodes, the remarkable “janitor” who would mold me into a prolific and effective litigator. After law school, I met and represented Clarence Norris, the last known surviving “Scottsboro Boy.”  We fought for two years to secure a full and unconditional pardon from the State of Alabama for Mr. Norris.  The pardon, which was awarded in 1976, ended a 45-year legal fight to clear the nine innocent Scottsboro Boys of trumped-up rape charges involving two white women. In 1975, Ida Mae Whitehurst and her daughter-in-law, Florence Whitehurst, gave me an opportunity to reform the Montgomery Police Department. Their case involved a police execution of an unarmed and innocent Bernard Whitehurst on December 2, 1975.  After officers realized they had killed the wrong man, they engaged in a massive cover-up of the shooting. They also planted a “throw-down” pistol by Whitehurst’s dead body and falsified witness statements. The Whitehurst case evolved into a nationally recognized scandal that resulted in the resignations of Montgomery’s mayor and police commissioner, the indictment of three police officers, and the firing or resignation of eight others. On April 3, 1977, the Washington Post called Whitehurst's case, “Alabama's Watergate." In 1976, I met and had the privilege of representing Coach Harvest Mitchell in his career-long fight to implement fair employment and promotional practices within the Florence City School System. Coach Mitchell was employed for 35 years by the Florence City Board of Education, where he coached different sports and taught physical education and health.  Mitchell made his mark as a head athletics coach, spending ten seasons at Burrell-Slater High School and seven at Coffee High School. Mitchell was head football, basketball, and track coach at all-black Burrell-Slater from 1959 through 1969. Mitchell built Burrell-Slater into a North Alabama sports powerhouse. During his ten years at Burrell-Slater, Mitchell’s record in basketball was 209 victories and 46 loses; in football, it was 55 victories and 19 loses. Mitchell was nominated for basketball coach of the year eight of those ten years and won five times.  Mitchell was also chosen coach of the year in football once. These impressive achievements were complemented by the successful tournament participation of teams under his direction. Mitchell had no assistant coaches. In 1968, Mitchell was inducted into the Sports Hall of Fame in Madison County, Alabama. Yet, the Florence Board of Education refused to award Mitchell a head coaching job at the predominantly white Coffee High School after Burrell-Slater was closed in 1969 (due to a court desegregation order).  Mitchell applied for a vacant head coaching position in football after the 1969-70 season ended and a head basketball coaching job during the 1970-71 school year. Both applications were rejected in favor of lesser qualified white applicants. On March 6, 1972, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit ordered U.S. District Judge Frank H. McFadden to award the head basketball coaching job at Coffee High School to Harvest Mitchell.  Judge McFadden, who was affectionately known in the state’s white community as “Big Red,” was notorious for denying judicial relief for deserving black plaintiffs in school desegregation lawsuits. Frank McFadden, an “old school” Mississippi native, regularly used the N-word in his private conversations about Black litigants. Harvest Mitchell coached basketball at Coffee High School for four seasons, while also serving as an assistant football coach. The school, fan, and booster support Mitchell enjoyed at Burrell-Slater was replaced by tidal waves of racial hatred and resentment from the administration, fans, and boosters of Coffee High School. I represented Harvest Mitchell when the School Board tried to replace him with a white basketball coach whose objective qualifications for the job were inferior to Mitchell’s.  We returned to Judge Frank McFadden’s courtroom to fight for Mitchell’s job.  After a lengthy trial, McFadden, once again, refused to enforce Mitchell’s constitutional right to fair employment practices. Coach Mitchell withstood unbearable racial prejudice at Coffee High School without flinching or allowing it to bother him or impair his coaching abilities.  To this day, Coach Mitchell is one of the greatest personal heroes in my life. On November 10, 2023, the honor and respect from the Florence City Board of Education that eluded Coach Harvest Mitchell in his life was conferred upon him in death.  On that day, the Board of Education renamed the Burrell Slater Gymnasium in honor of Coach Mitchell. This board action was a fitting tribute to a man who loved everybody in the Florence City School System, even when they did not have it in their hearts to love him back. May Coach Harvest Mitchell’s unconquerable spirit, unconditional love for humanity, and quest for excellence in the classroom and sports arena live on in our hearts forever! I am so blessed to have represented Harvest Mitchell and write this beautiful ending to his story. In the end, Harvest Mitchell's unconditional love for humanity conquered every roadblock that kept the Florence City School System from formally recognizing his greatness as a man and a coach. Never, ever underestimate the power of God and the fighting spirit of men who will not allow the indignities of other men to rob them of their manhood.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 5, 2024 An Editorial Opinion Yesterday, I confirmed that Alabama A&M University will not pursue the collection of its $527,280,064 debt from the state of Alabama. Public notice of this debt was provided to Alabama Governor Kay Ivey in a September 18, 2023, letter from the U.S. Departments of Education and Agriculture. When Alabama A&M President Daniel K. Wims learned of this letter, he promptly notified the governor’s office that his university would take no action to collect this debt. Publicly, neither Wims, nor his board of trustees, has said a word about this $527,280,064 debt. Privately, they are running from Alabama A&M's entitlement to this money. Gov. Ivey and her staff were stunned by the news that Alabama A&M would not be pursuing the collection of this debt.  They never thought Alabama A&M would surrender its entitlement to $527,280,064 without a fight. Gov. Ivey and her staff waited 10 days before she responded to the September 18, 2023, letters evidencing the debt.  They honestly thought Alabama A&M's board of trustees might feel a fiduciary duty to pursue and collect this money on behalf of the university and its faculty, staff, and students. As it turned out, the board of trustees was only interested in pleasing Gov. Ivey. After all, Ivey is the statutory "President" of Alabama A&M's board of trustees. She is also the state official who appoints/reappoints trustees to the board. To Gov. Ivey's surprise, no Black state legislator, no Black candidate running for Congress, and no Black elected or appointed official in the state has uttered a public word about this $527,280,064 debt. All of these officials have avoided this subject like it is a plague. Inside the State Capitol and Legislature, the collective silence of Black public officials on the subject of this $527,280,064 debt is seen as a testament to the sway that Gov. Ivey holds over Alabama A&M and Black public officials.  Ivey's dominion and control over this cadre of Black Alabamians is unlike anything white public officials have seen in the state since the days of slavery. In lieu of pursuing the collection of its $527,280,064 debt, President Wims, his allies on the board of trustees, and university attorneys have spent countless hours trying to figure out who is leaking information to my news team about their unprecedented display of cowardice. They also unleashed a couple of paid "hustlers" in an unsuccessful campaign to attack my name and character on social media.   Finally, they threatened me with a “Cease and Desist” letter, which I ignored. President Wims privately acknowledges that Alabama A&M is owed this $527,280,064 debt.  However, Wims has told his supporters that going after the money would somehow “hurt” the university. The stunning display of cowardice by President Wims and his board of trustees has surpassed anything that my confidential news sources have ever seen in a state agency. My sources simply could not believe that a deserving HBCU in Alabama would lay down on this $527,280,064 legal claim without a fight. In the HWCU world, there would have been a “battle royale” over the collection of this $527,280,064 debt. Alabama A&M's Lost Two Staggering Financial Opportunities in 2023 From September 18 to December 31, 2023, Alabama A&M lost two staggering financial opportunities. First, Alabama A&M executed a new four-year Magic City Classic agreement in October that allowed the event's promoters and marketers to gouge millions of dollars in economic value from this event.  The main promoter, Gene Hallman of Eventive Sports, promptly sold his company to Arizona-based Troon after the new contract was signed. Alabama State is being gouged under the new agreement, as well. Second, Alabama A&M has convinced itself that the university is better off (a) begging prospective donors for financial contributions and (b) collecting unpaid student debt, rather than pursuing the collection of its $527,280,064 debt from the state. Unlike Alabama A&M, Alabama State never received a letter from the U.S. Departments of Education and Agriculture stating that it was owed money from the state.  Only Alabama A&M held the legal right to pursue this $527,280,064 payment from the state of Alabama. For the record, the primary news sources for my articles on Alabama A&M’s failure to collect its $527,280,064 debt are: (a) publicly available documents and (b) individuals within state government who are in a position to know what's going on with this situation.  Among the news sources in Montgomery, a total and complete lack of respect for Alabama A&M’s weak and compromised president and board of trustees kept the “insider” information flowing to my news team. It's a wrap for Alabama A&M University. The institution will not collect a dime of this $527,280,064 as a result of its own efforts.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on January 4, 2024 An Editorial Opinion Alabama State University (ASU) and Alabama A&M University (AAMU) never saw it coming.  They had the Alabama Sports Council, Gene Hallman, and Eventive Sports over a barrel last year while they were negotiating a new four-year sports management and promotions contract for the Magic City Classic. Historically, the Magic City Classic has been the biggest revenue generator for the Alabama Sports Council, Gene Hallman, and Eventive Sports (formerly known as the Bruno Event Team). While the two participating HBCUs only focused on the “pocket change” or "tip money" that Eventive Sports and the City of Birmingham agreed to pay each school to play in the Magic City Classic, Gene Hallman and Eventive Sports focused on locking down a new four-year Classic sports management deal. While the two universities that owned the Magic City Classic name, trademark, and related intellectual property rights were showboating with VIP parties and social media postings during the Classic weekend last October, Gene Hallman was putting his deal together with Troon, a Scottsdale, Arizona company that provides golf and club-related leisure and hospitality services. The new Magic City Classic contract made Eventive Sports an attractive acquisition target for Troon.  The Classic contract guarantees Troon four years of exorbitant profits from the nation’s premier HBCU sports event. ASU and AAMU never understood the economic value that their Magic City Classic contracts conferred upon Eventive Sports/Bruno Event Team.  Likewise, these universities never understood how badly they were being ripped off. While the patrons of the Magic City Classic busied themselves with tailgating, VIP parties, and cheering for the two participating football teams, Gene Hallman was working hard on an acquisition deal that would make him rich -- thanks to ASU and AAMU. To this day, neither ASU, nor AAMU, knows how many millions of dollars Gene Hallman and Eventive Sports/Bruno Event Team made from the Magic City Classic.  In past years, neither university conducted proper audits of Hallman’s financial books and records for the Classic event. Neither university understood the sports promotion, management, operations, licensing, merchandising, and accounting business.  Neither university was properly represented in their contract negotiations with the Alabama Sports Council and Eventive Sports. ASU and AAMU never acted like the “owners” of the Magic City Classic event.  They always assumed the role of “beggars,” and they got what beggars get – nothing but “pocket change" or "tip money." ASU and AAMU were gouged during the previous four-year contract with Eventive Sports/Bruno Event Team.  However, the new four-year contract announced last October amounts to gouging on steroids. I congratulate Gene Hallman and Eventive Sports!  Hallman took the premier HBCU football Classic game in America and made a fortune from it. Gene Hallman did what business owners do.  Hallman engineered a great business deal that heaped economic value upon Eventive Sports and himself.  Once his deal with ASU and AAMU was signed, Hallman sold Eventive Sports to Troon. Hallman reportedly got big bucks from Troon's acquisition of Eventive Sports.  Several individuals associated with the Alabama Sports Council reportedly benefitted financially from this transaction, as well. That's a story for another day. The patrons of the Magic City Classic got wonderful memories and great photos of the Classic weekend.  ASU and AAMU got shafted in every way possible. Gene Hallman got the money and economic value from the Classic events! Finally, Gene Hallman's power moves and personal enrichment opportunities were NOT the result of white racism. They were a direct result of willful ignorance on the part of ASU and AAMU.

Public Corruption Inside the Talladega Federal Prison By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on November 8, 2020 Four months into my imprisonment at the Talladega, Alabama Federal Prison Camp, I observed and documented widespread public corruption in the form of fraud, waste, abuse and the theft of federal property by certain staff members and correctional officers. On January 27, 2020, I filed a confidential “whistleblower” complaint with the U.S. Department of Justice’s Office of Inspector General (OIG) in Washington that detailed this public corruption. [Click below to read the OIG complaint.] The public corruption reported in the OIG complaint thrived for three reasons: (a) a clear lack of proper administrative supervision, (b) inadequate systems of financial controls, and (c) society’s tendency to dismiss the reporting of wrongdoing by inmates. One Camp executive who tried to do the right thing was transferred to another federal prison on the East Coast. A System of “Dominion and Control” Breeds Corruption A prison is the only legal institution of slavery permitted under the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Because state and federal criminal justice systems have been systematically “rigged” in favor of prosecutors for many decades, the threshold for enslaving millions of Americans in prisons is extremely low, especially for black and brown Americans. Federal prosecutors and judges were surprised and embarrassed when President Donald J. Trump said out loud what most of them know is true – the federal criminal justice system is “rigged”. Yet, none of them publicly disputed Trump’s presidential pronouncement in this regard. How could they? It is axiomatic that any criminal justice system that produces a 99% conviction rate every year is, in fact, “rigged”. The attorneys who work in the nation’s 94 U.S. Attorney offices are mostly average lawyers who are afforded preferential treatment by federal judges who often act as special prosecutors during pre-indictment legal proceedings. Added to this mix are criminal justice defense attorneys who “represent” their clients, but do not “fight” for them. Within this system of “dominion and control” prison staff members and correctional officers can easily, conveniently, and safely participate, if they are so inclined, in engrained public corruption at any prison. Good staff members have little to no interest in reporting this kind of misconduct for fear of retaliation. Any “slave” reporting this public corruption is quietly removed from the general inmate population, dismissed as “not credible” and subjected to unbearable retaliation. In my case, the January 27, 2020 OIG complainant was discovered by prison officials after they seized my personal property on April 27th and held it until May 6th while they searched my legal binder. Their discovery of the confidential OIG complaint prompted then to unleash hell on me. “Planting” Evidence to Support a Bogus Charge On May 12, 2020, a white officer with a prior adverse history with me “planted” an item of contraband – a cell phone charger – in my unsecured locker during an early morning security search of my dorm after all inmates had exited the area. I was promptly removed from the Camp and imprisoned in the maximum security Special Housing Unit (SHU), a/k/a the “Hole”, at the Talladega medium security prison. I have been locked behind a metal door in a small, filthy dungeon 24 hours per day, 7 days per week since that time. On May 20, 2020, a handpicked Bureau of Prisons (BOP) disciplinary hearing officer (DHO) conducted a 15-20 minute perfunctory hearing in which she scolded me for using “Perry Mason” tactics to defend myself. Even though I denied the charge, as did my dormmate, the DHO found me guilty of possessing a phone charger. [DHO report below} She based her decision on: (a) the reporting officer’s 2-sentence, unsworn, “eyewitness statement” in which he claimed he “discovered” the charger in a potato chip bag in my locker and tied it to me using prescription medicine bottles and mail with my name on them; (b) one photo of a potato chip bag and two photos of a cellphone charger; and (c) a ”Chain of Custody Log” for the “evidence” that was completed by a Lieutenant who also had a prior adverse history with me. My prior adverse history with both officers is described in “My Journey to Hell on Earth” published on May 3, 2020. On May 20, 2020, the DHO ordered me to serve 30 days in the SHU, with a release date of June 18, 2020. Prison officials have used every trick in their playbook to extend my 30-day sentence in the SHU. I recently completed my 6th month in the “Hole” on a 30-day sentence. This is my punishment for filing the OIG complaint. Exposing a “Fixed” Case In their haste to frame me on a bogus cellphone charger infraction, prison officials botched their own “planted” evidence. For example, the reporting officer claimed he discovered the charger in a chip bag in my locker. Yet, he took no “on-the-scene” time and date-stamped photos of his “discovery”. The officer also claimed that medicine bottles with my name on them linked me to the charger. He forgot that my prescription bottles were returned to Health Services on the day he and the same Lieutenant took me to the SHU – April 27th – where I was held for 3 days and released without charges. The officer also forgot that my mail had been “packed out” during this period as a result of my April 27th to May 6th detention in the “Hole”. The so-called “evidence” photos relied on by the DHO were taken at an office nearly 3 hours later by the Lieutenant who received these items of “evidence”, but not from the officer who “discovered” them. A close look at the “Chain of Custody Log” for this evidence is damning. First, the Log does not list the potato chip bag at all. Second, the Log lists the cellphone charger but does not state in the section at the bottom of the form who the reporting officer “released” the evidence/charger to. Third, the reporting officer does not state that he placed the charger in the “Overnight Drop Box”. Yet, the Lieutenant claims that he received the charger from the “Overnight Drop Box”. Fourth, no witness attested to the Lieutenant’s claim as required by BOP policy. These serious flaws establish a break in the chain of custody. As such, none of this “evidence” was properly before the DHO on May 20th. However, evidence doesn’t matter in a case that is “fixed”. On September 18, 2020, the BOP’s Regional Office upheld the DHO’s ruling. Talladega prison officials did not provide me with a copy of this ruling until October 23, 2020 – 5 days after my 30-day time period to appeal the adverse ruling to BOP headquarters in Washington had expired. I appealed anyway even though Talladega prison officials refused to give me the documents I requested to prosecute my appeal. Epilogue Public corruption is flourishing at the Talladega Federal Prison, and nobody cares. This is not surprising when we consider the fact that earlier this year Wells Fargo acknowledged committing 2 million acts of bank fraud from 2012 to 2016, and not one Wells Fargo bank executive was prosecuted for bank fraud charges. I knew on January 27, 2020 that the price of reporting public corruption at Talladega would be severe retaliation. I closed my complaint with this paragraph: I have been warned that I will be subjected to retaliatory measures by the Camp officials for exposing the fraud, waste and abuse reported in this letter. The retaliation may likely come in the form of my segregation in the special housing unit on trumped up disciplinary charges, or an involuntary transfer to a distant prison camp. Presently, I have never been written up or disciplined for any violation of prison rules. I do not use cell phones, tobacco products, recreational drugs, alcoholic beverages or other contraband items. I am also presently not a subject in any current investigative procedure at the Camp. Therefore, if I suffer a disciplinary action in the not too distant future, it will not be unrelated to the submission of this letter to the Inspector General. For this reason, I request anonymity in the reporting of this fraud, waste and abuse. As a lawyer and an officer of the court, I had no choice but to report this public corruption. I have done my part. Will federal prosecutors do theirs? All articles are shared on Facebook and Twitter. If you would like to follow Donald Watkins, please click on these links and hit the follow button: https://www.facebook.com/donald.v.watkins https://twitter.com/donaldvwatkins

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on December 30, 2023 An Exclusive Investigative Report --- Today, he is the co-founder, president, CEO, and publisher of Birmingham, Alabama-based 1819 News.  His real name is Kenneth Bryan Dawson. Dawson is the man who “outed” former Smiths Stations, Alabama Mayor Fred “Bubba” Copeland on November 1, 2023, for engaging in crossing-dressing activities in his home and writing works of erotic fiction. Three days after he was "outed," Bubba Copeland killed himself with a gun. In April 2007, Kenneth Bryan Dawson was a hardcore drug trafficker and serial motor vehicle thief in Colorado Springs, Colorado who tortured a member of his motor vehicle theft ring with a taser and beat him with a padlock attached to a heavy chain – all because Dawson thought this violent crime victim was a “snitch.” Justin Joslin, Dawson’s attempted murder victim, said Dawson tased him 15 to 20 times.  Joslin had burn marks on his legs and arms from the tasing. Joslin also sustained blunt force trauma to his forehead caused by Dawson hitting him with the padlock. The treating physicians at the hospital told police Joslin was “lucky to be alive.” The Colorado Springs, Colorado Police Department investigative report on Dawson’s attempted murder is detailed and damning.  [The police file may be viewed by clicking the link here.] Dawson accused Joslin of being a “snitch” for the police. Dawson threatened Joslin that if he (Joslin) went to the police about this incident, “I will shoot you in the face, I will fucking kill you.” After Dawson was arrested, police found methamphetamine, glass pipes for smoking it, cash, the taser Dawson used on Joslin, and an illegal sawed-off shotgun.  They also retrieved the computer and camera that Dawson and his accomplice, Alexander Poe, stole from Joslin’s home. Poe was also involved in Dawson’s drug trafficking ring.  Police located Poe inside a “stash house” used by Dawson. In 2021, the Alabama Policy Institute launched Dawson’s 1819 News operations in Alabama with a $1,077,500 contribution to 1819 Media, LLC. Today, Kenneth Bryan Dawson, via his 1819 News multimedia platforms, effectively serves as the public face and media voice of the Alabama Policy Institute.

By: Donald V. Watkins Copyrighted and Published on December 30, 2023 As we near the end of 2023, I want to thank all of the people in my life who made 2023 a great year for me. I am so blessed to be loved and supported by you! I am looking forward to 2024.  This is the year I hope to reach the mountaintop in the world of international business and achieve my final set of personal goals. I worked every day in 2023 to turn my dreams in business into a reality in 2024.  I have been blessed to work all year with the best and brightest business minds around the globe.  Together, we have persevered and overcome a multitude of complex challenges and man-made adversity that would have defeated most dreamers.  2024 should be the year for harvesting the fruits of our labor. On the national political scene, 2024 is the year that my biggest political dream will come to life.  Through hard work and non-stop communication activities in-person and across multiple digital media platforms, we have built a nationwide network of like-minded political independents that will deliver major campaign funding to the presidential candidate of our choice within 60 days prior to the November election. We want to be the last "toll bridge"to political heaven for one of the candidates. Our political agenda is very focused, and we will execute our 2024 Election Day game-plan to perfection.   I have always wanted to participate in national politics in this way and at this level. These are exciting times in America, particularly for those of us who are working in the world of international business opportunities. I truly enjoy working on the development of my paradigm-shifting business ventures and fulfillment of my last set of personal goals. As we enter the new year together, remember this one truism: God is Good -- all of the time! As world famous African singer Sinach says in her "hit" song, God is a Way Maker, Miracle Worker, Promise Keeper, and Light in the Darkness! Happy New Year to each and every one of you!